“In Almost Every Village We Visited, We Encountered Torture Chambers.”

Oksana Matsopa

Journalist

Monday, 10 March, 2025

The link has been copied

Over 150,000 war crimes have been registered since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Documenting and investigating these crimes committed by Russian forces is crucial for ensuring justice, holding the aggressor accountable and preventing impunity. Truth Hounds is one of the independent organizations dedicated to documenting and investigating war crimes in Ukraine. IWPR contributor Oksana Matsopa spoke with Maryna Slobodianiuk, Training and Strategic Projects Coordinator, and Bohdan Kosokhatko, Head of Investigations at Truth Hounds.

Oksana Matsopa: How has the scale and nature of Russian war crimes changed over 11 years of war in Ukraine? 

Maryna Slobodianiuk: Even well before the full-scale invasion, illegal detentions of civilians and torture chambers were documented in Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Working with law enforcement, we had an idea of the approximate number of war crimes. But everything changed in 2022. The most significant change was the sheer scale. We could see and feel the difference in the number of war crimes after the full-scale invasion. Firstly, official statistics of crimes became available. The Prosecutor General’s Office launched a public database of registered criminal proceedings related to international crimes and conflict-related offences on its website. We immediately saw this figure being updated and growing. Since the full-scale invasion began, the number has increased by tens of thousands.

Previously, we rarely, if ever, encountered such war crimes as the brutal treatment and execution of prisoners of war. Now, however, these acts have become commonplace. Numerous videos have emerged, with crimes captured on camera, alongside documented orders and direct commands from commanding officers to execute prisoners of war – actions that are themselves war crimes. 

The geographical scope of these crimes has also widened. Previously, it was limited to occupied and front-line areas in Donetsk and Luhansk regions, and within the occupied Crimean Peninsula. However, what we’ve witnessed since February 2022 is on a completely different scale and of a different nature. The sheer brutality has become undeniable, revealing itself in all its inhumanity and in every possible manifestation.

With such a large number of crimes, how did you decide which cases to investigate? 

Slobodianiuk: As the situation on the front lines was very dynamic, and we faced entirely new challenges, we established a specific procedure: within a very short timeframe after the liberation of territories, we would dispatch teams of investigators. Following closely behind the front lines, they would gather initial information in these newly liberated areas about all reported war crimes. This was the approach in Chernihiv and Kharkiv regions. Our investigators were deployed almost immediately after the Slobozhansky breakthrough [the Ukrainian counteroffensive in autumn 2022] which led to the liberation of significant territories. This allowed us to collect a substantial amount of information, of course. A similar approach was also implemented in the Kherson region. Then, where we identified sufficient evidence or strong leads for prosecution, we would take on the case and launch a formal investigation. Alternatively, in high-profile cases like that of [children’s author] Volodymyr Vakulenko, which garnered significant public attention, or the shelling of the Mykolaiv regional state administration, we might decide to launch our own investigation to explore what we could contribute to the broader inquiry into these prominent incidents.

What crimes did you document in the Chernihiv region?

Slobodianiuk: Yahinde [the village where Russian forces held 300 locals hostage in 2022] was the initial focus for our first field team deployed to Chernihiv. There, our investigators documented a site where hundreds of people were unlawfully detained and used as human shields. They observed extensive signs of military vehicles in the schoolyard.  They even discovered a notebook containing what appeared to be the surname and phone number of a Russian soldier stationed there, which we passed on to law enforcement. After processing this data, we realised we could find further evidence of illegal detention sites north of Chernihiv, in areas that were under occupation. 

In almost every village we visited, we encountered stories of illegal detention sites – torture chambers. I’m talking about small towns like Khaliavin, Petrushyn and Terekhivka. In Terekhivka, according to local residents, the headquarters of General Alexander Lapin, who commanded the offensive on Chernihiv, was located. One of the most significant sites of mass illegal detention was in the village of Vyshneve. In that village alone, we found at least two such locations: the basement of the local school and the grounds of a factory, a so-called sawmill. We documented all of these facts and subsequently identified individuals who served as commandants in these areas, or who personally tortured or killed civilians.

How did Truth Hounds investigators identify Konstantin Smirnov (call sign Law) as the commander and Denis Podgorny as his subordinate in the execution of the Kulichenko brothers in Vyshnеve?

Kosokhatko: It was a variety of information that came together like pieces of a puzzle. 

One of our investigators found some information about Law. I recall a video of him wearing a mask and balaclava, obscuring his face. We also had some additional details… People often provide fragmented information. They might describe a person, remember a name starting, for instance, with K, offer a list of possible names or surnames, or give contextual information, such as that the person served in the military police. With Law it was like that, in fact. Someone told us he was from the military police.

Regarding Podgorny, we had information about his call sign and the official investigation established his publicly available personal details, including his last name, first name, patronymic, and I believe, date of birth. They then shared this information with us and we assisted them in uncovering further details. To do this, we utilised leaked databases and various publicly accessible data aggregators.

Has the full-scale war changed the methods and tools used to identify criminals?

Kosokhatko: At the start of the full-scale invasion, we had fewer tools at our disposal.  Facial recognition technology, for example, existed before 2022, and it became particularly popular in the early days of the war. This was partly because Russian soldiers sometimes failed to conceal their faces, revealed personal information or posted photos on social media. However, the algorithms behind these programs were less effective then. Since 2022, these tools have been rapidly “learning” – leveraging artificial intelligence to become much more effective. Traditional methods still play a role, such as searching leaked databases. If someone has a social media profile, these resources can help uncover additional personal details. For instance, if a person has a VKontakte account, it may be possible to find their phone number, email address or other identifying information. Analysing this leaked data can then reveal further information.

Now, numerous Ukrainian services and tools have emerged, along with refined methodologies and even comprehensive guides. We now have data aggregators with a person’s photo and personal data. Previously, you had to search for photos and personal data separately. Now, you can simply upload a photo and access personal data, photos, social media profiles, and even connections between individuals. This represents significant progress.

How does Truth Hounds cooperate with investigators? 

Slobodianiuk: We have established a clear system for cooperation. The investigators submit formal requests on an official letterhead, outlining specific questions about particular facts within ongoing criminal investigations. In response, we provide the requested information in the form of an analytical report, which we then send to them. 

Furthermore, our specialists have frequently been formally engaged as experts in specific cases. In these instances, we were assigned broader tasks and even granted access to case materials for review. Based on our analysis, we then provided expert opinions to the investigators. We also store and structure information in the IDOC database [which analyses and systematises war crimes investigations]. This enables us to grant access and retrieve relevant materials for any investigation, be it national or international.