Comment: Rwanda Goals in DRC Under Scrutiny
People in eastern DRC suspect Rwanda’s real motive for intervening in the region is to exploit natural resources.
Comment: Rwanda Goals in DRC Under Scrutiny
People in eastern DRC suspect Rwanda’s real motive for intervening in the region is to exploit natural resources.
Former militia leader Laurent Nkunda, the man blamed for destabilising eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, DRC, in recent years, was apprehended in late January by Rwandan authorities.
It would be an exaggeration to say that taking Nkunda into custody marks the end of violence in eastern DRC since other armed groups remain, despite their involvement in regional peace efforts.
More importantly, many in the region harbour deep suspicions of Rwanda’s claim that it intervened in the Kivus to rid the region of the Hutu militias, known as the Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Rwanda, FDLR.
After defeating Congolese forces in North Kivu province at the end of 2008, Nkunda was weakened in an “internal putsch” led by his chief-of-staff Bosco Ntaganda, who accused Nkunda of “bad management”.
Ntaganda, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court, ICC, declared an end to the war in mid-Janaury and his intentions to integrate his loyal commanders into the Congolese army.
Shortly after the break with Nkunda, several thousand Rwandan troops entered the DRC under an agreement with Congolese government, the details of which are unknown.
Both governments announced their intention to bring peace to the region and, as a preliminary step, this meant the removal of Nkunda from the battlefield.
But people in eastern DRC suspect Rwanda’s real motive for intervening in the region is to exploit natural resources.
Because of this, many think that DRC president Joseph Kabila took a great political risk in allowing Rwandan soldiers into the country.
One explanation for this sudden cooperation between the DRC and Rwanda, which have frequently accused each other of supporting their enemies, could be the 2008 United Nations report that identified Rwandan government support for Nkunda.
Rwanda would like to see the UN forces out of the region, and the only way to do that is for the region to have peace.
Adding to the suspicion of Rwanda’s motives is that few officials in the DRC seem to have been aware of the DRC-Rwandan agreement.
Congo’s army chief-of-staff General Didier Etumba seemed not to know of the joint operation and the general reaction in the country has been fear and anger.
Neutralising the FDLR will not be easy. The Rwandan rebels mix in the population and are organised. This makes it difficult for Rwandan soldiers to differentiate civilians from the FDLR.
This military operation undoubtedly will have harmful consequences for civilians.
Regardless, the return of the Rwandan army to the DRC indicates the government’s inability on its own to restore security, unity and peace in the Kivus.
Rather than simply allowing Rwanda to go after Hutu militias, an international or African force should have been formed to help solve the FDLR question.
Meanwhile, DRC is happy with Nkunda’s arrest and soon hopes to have him extradited where he could be put on trial for war crimes and crimes against humanity relating to events in Bukavu in 2004 and perhaps more recently in Kiwanja in 2008.
He has denied these accusations.
Some Congolese believe Nkunda’s arrest is merely a distraction, meant to conceal Rwanda’s hidden agenda to exploit minerals.
It is similar to events in 1996 when the Congolese were focused on the departure of former president Mobutu Sese Seko after 32 years of dictatorship.
Anxious for a new regime, many Congolese didn't suspect that Rwanda's backing of Laurent Kabila in the war that toppled Mobutu would leave it in control of the resource-rich Kivu region.
Nonetheless, Nkunda’s arrest is a glimmer of hope, a relief for thousands of victims who were waiting for justice and compensation.
The path towards peace in the east of DRC is still a long one, and the Congolese people’s ordeal goes on.
Eugène Bakama Bope is president of Friends of the Law in Congo and an IWPR contributor.
It would be an exaggeration to say that taking Nkunda into custody marks the end of violence in eastern DRC since other armed groups remain, despite their involvement in regional peace efforts.
More importantly, many in the region harbour deep suspicions of Rwanda’s claim that it intervened in the Kivus to rid the region of the Hutu militias, known as the Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Rwanda, FDLR.
After defeating Congolese forces in North Kivu province at the end of 2008, Nkunda was weakened in an “internal putsch” led by his chief-of-staff Bosco Ntaganda, who accused Nkunda of “bad management”.
Ntaganda, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court, ICC, declared an end to the war in mid-Janaury and his intentions to integrate his loyal commanders into the Congolese army.
Shortly after the break with Nkunda, several thousand Rwandan troops entered the DRC under an agreement with Congolese government, the details of which are unknown.
Both governments announced their intention to bring peace to the region and, as a preliminary step, this meant the removal of Nkunda from the battlefield.
But people in eastern DRC suspect Rwanda’s real motive for intervening in the region is to exploit natural resources.
Because of this, many think that DRC president Joseph Kabila took a great political risk in allowing Rwandan soldiers into the country.
One explanation for this sudden cooperation between the DRC and Rwanda, which have frequently accused each other of supporting their enemies, could be the 2008 United Nations report that identified Rwandan government support for Nkunda.
Rwanda would like to see the UN forces out of the region, and the only way to do that is for the region to have peace.
Adding to the suspicion of Rwanda’s motives is that few officials in the DRC seem to have been aware of the DRC-Rwandan agreement.
Congo’s army chief-of-staff General Didier Etumba seemed not to know of the joint operation and the general reaction in the country has been fear and anger.
Neutralising the FDLR will not be easy. The Rwandan rebels mix in the population and are organised. This makes it difficult for Rwandan soldiers to differentiate civilians from the FDLR.
This military operation undoubtedly will have harmful consequences for civilians.
Regardless, the return of the Rwandan army to the DRC indicates the government’s inability on its own to restore security, unity and peace in the Kivus.
Rather than simply allowing Rwanda to go after Hutu militias, an international or African force should have been formed to help solve the FDLR question.
Meanwhile, DRC is happy with Nkunda’s arrest and soon hopes to have him extradited where he could be put on trial for war crimes and crimes against humanity relating to events in Bukavu in 2004 and perhaps more recently in Kiwanja in 2008.
He has denied these accusations.
Some Congolese believe Nkunda’s arrest is merely a distraction, meant to conceal Rwanda’s hidden agenda to exploit minerals.
It is similar to events in 1996 when the Congolese were focused on the departure of former president Mobutu Sese Seko after 32 years of dictatorship.
Anxious for a new regime, many Congolese didn't suspect that Rwanda's backing of Laurent Kabila in the war that toppled Mobutu would leave it in control of the resource-rich Kivu region.
Nonetheless, Nkunda’s arrest is a glimmer of hope, a relief for thousands of victims who were waiting for justice and compensation.
The path towards peace in the east of DRC is still a long one, and the Congolese people’s ordeal goes on.
Eugène Bakama Bope is president of Friends of the Law in Congo and an IWPR contributor.
