Georgian Elections - Diary by Bella Valieva
Georgia held a snap presidential election on January 5 in which incumbent Mikheil Saakashvili scored a victory, despite recent signs that his popularity was dwindling.
Georgian Elections - Diary by Bella Valieva
Georgia held a snap presidential election on January 5 in which incumbent Mikheil Saakashvili scored a victory, despite recent signs that his popularity was dwindling.
In Georgia, the New Year holidays were celebrated with little ado as a more important event was on everybody’s mind - the forthcoming presidential election, seen as a test of the country’s democratic credentials and statehood.
According to official information from Georgia’s central electoral commission, Saakashvili was reelected on January 5 with more than 52 per cent of the vote.
On January 6, international observers from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, OSCE, monitoring group hailed the vote as Georgia’s first genuinely competitive election.
“In the January 5 election, each citizen of Georgia was given a chance to freely express his will,” an Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, ODIHR, representative told journalists in Tbilisi.
“All political parties should respect the results to preserve stability in the country.”
However, opposition leaders disputed the results, with the leader of the united opposition claiming the election was rigged.
Soon after the results were announced, the opposition held a rally at the city’s Rike Square, despite the unprecedented severe weather.
Although people slipped and fell in the freezing temperatures, they continued waving posters picturing Levan Gachechiladze, Saakashvili’s main rival.
Most protesters wore white bands tied around their necks. Speakers took the floor one after another.
“I am here to support the real victor,” said Tamuna Maisuradze, a teacher, who also took part in the November protests.
“I don’t understand why a person should impose himself on people, if they don’t want him any more. If what we have is democracy, then Saakashvili should show how democratic he is.”
Businessman Giorgi was also certain that the victory belonged to Gachechiladze, and intended to protest as long as it was necessary.
He said he had seen buses roaming around the city, carrying people to vote several times at different polling stations.
“Misha has behaved shamefully,” he said. “He should be driven away to America. We should be friends with Russia.”
Tbilisi, where Saakashvili won least support, is now bracing itself for long-term protests, which are expected to continue until the authorities revoke the results and call a run-off.
Before the election took place, Gachechiladze had been assured he would win, unless the results were rigged.
“I have a high popularity rating,” he told journalists on January 3, three days before the election.
He outlined his plans for the country, which included a review of the country’s constitutional system. “When I leave politics. Georgia will become a parliamentary republic,” he said.
Throughout his election campaign, Saakashvili ignored the opposition’s attacks and made the fight against poverty and unemployment the primary theme of his campaign.
Expert Temuri Yakobashvili believes that this was a smart move.
“Saakashvili has acted like a real statesman,” he said, before the election. “He says to the people: ‘The opposition is against me, I am against poverty. It’s up to you to choose!’”
“People need social reforms and stability, not a revolution or a new state system,” said Yakobashvili.
“The outcome of the election will be determined by the 25 per cent of the population, who have not decided yet whom they should support – Mikheil Saakashvili fighting poverty, or the opposition promising to turn Georgia into a parliamentary republic or constitutional monarchy.”
While campaigning, Saakashvili also seemed to forget about the thorny issue of the unrecognised republics of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, hardly ever mentioning them in his public appearances.
In contrast to him, almost all the other candidates stressed their wish to have the problems with the unrecognised republics solved peacefully and without violation of Georgia’s territorial integrity.
Leader of the party New Rights, David Gamkrelidze, said he saw a constitutional monarchy as “an absolutely unique chance for a peaceful resolution of the conflicts”.
Another opposition candidate Giorgi Maisashvili told journalists two days before the election that he did not know what “the peaceful way of resolving the conflicts” would be.
“Both sides should listen to each other with greatest possible attention, express their views elaborately and freely, let each other breathe psychologically,” he said.
“Isn’t it true that 90 per cent of all conflicts result from people interpreting the same words differently? The most important thing to do now is to start a direct dialogue with South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and then the third - the alternative - way will make itself available, in addition to the two others that are currently considered by the sides.”
South Ossetia itself has remained unaffected by the presidential election in Georgia, with ordinary people saying the event has nothing to do with their lives.
“Let them quarrel as much as they want, it’s nothing to us, as we are almost a part of Russia,” said a Tskhinval resident.
“I don’t understand what a peaceful way of restoring ‘territorial integrity’ Georgia is talking about. These are all words meant to be heard by the European Union. In reality, it can start military actions at any moment. All this is a game, including the OSCE recognising their election as democratic.”
While many ordinary citizens have their doubts about the results of the vote, they still don’t mind having Misha – as Saakashvili is known - at the helm of the country.
“Misha magaria”, or “Misha is cool”, figures in a patriotic song that was played over and over on television during the campaigning period.
“Misha is the best option,” said 60-year-old Tbilisi resident and former policeman Anzor Basharuli. “I am just choosing the lesser of two evils.
“I don’t favour Misha’s policies very much: all these soaring utility rates, unemployment, poverty, harassment of the private sector. But still there’s some guarantee of stability.”
Basharuli explained that although he was a strong supporter of the rose revolution, Georgia's peaceful revolution led by Saakashvili in November 2003, he had been disappointed.
However, he thought that the president deserved a chance to improve things.
“Now, after the mistakes he made in November, he will weigh his actions,” he said.
Saakashvili declared a state of emergency in Tbilisi, after six days of opposition rallies in November.
The demonstrations, at which the opposition accused the president of corruption and demanded an early parliamentary election and the release of political prisoners, were violently dispersed by troops and police on November 7.
The president then called an early presidential election, saying, “You wanted an early election? You will get an even earlier one.”
With the elections over, many questions are left unanswered and fears remain.
While Saakashvili has made overtures to the opposition, offering to give it seats in his government, it continues on a course of confrontation, making the overall situation unpredictable.
According to official information from Georgia’s central electoral commission, Saakashvili was reelected on January 5 with more than 52 per cent of the vote.
On January 6, international observers from the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, OSCE, monitoring group hailed the vote as Georgia’s first genuinely competitive election.
“In the January 5 election, each citizen of Georgia was given a chance to freely express his will,” an Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, ODIHR, representative told journalists in Tbilisi.
“All political parties should respect the results to preserve stability in the country.”
However, opposition leaders disputed the results, with the leader of the united opposition claiming the election was rigged.
Soon after the results were announced, the opposition held a rally at the city’s Rike Square, despite the unprecedented severe weather.
Although people slipped and fell in the freezing temperatures, they continued waving posters picturing Levan Gachechiladze, Saakashvili’s main rival.
Most protesters wore white bands tied around their necks. Speakers took the floor one after another.
“I am here to support the real victor,” said Tamuna Maisuradze, a teacher, who also took part in the November protests.
“I don’t understand why a person should impose himself on people, if they don’t want him any more. If what we have is democracy, then Saakashvili should show how democratic he is.”
Businessman Giorgi was also certain that the victory belonged to Gachechiladze, and intended to protest as long as it was necessary.
He said he had seen buses roaming around the city, carrying people to vote several times at different polling stations.
“Misha has behaved shamefully,” he said. “He should be driven away to America. We should be friends with Russia.”
Tbilisi, where Saakashvili won least support, is now bracing itself for long-term protests, which are expected to continue until the authorities revoke the results and call a run-off.
Before the election took place, Gachechiladze had been assured he would win, unless the results were rigged.
“I have a high popularity rating,” he told journalists on January 3, three days before the election.
He outlined his plans for the country, which included a review of the country’s constitutional system. “When I leave politics. Georgia will become a parliamentary republic,” he said.
Throughout his election campaign, Saakashvili ignored the opposition’s attacks and made the fight against poverty and unemployment the primary theme of his campaign.
Expert Temuri Yakobashvili believes that this was a smart move.
“Saakashvili has acted like a real statesman,” he said, before the election. “He says to the people: ‘The opposition is against me, I am against poverty. It’s up to you to choose!’”
“People need social reforms and stability, not a revolution or a new state system,” said Yakobashvili.
“The outcome of the election will be determined by the 25 per cent of the population, who have not decided yet whom they should support – Mikheil Saakashvili fighting poverty, or the opposition promising to turn Georgia into a parliamentary republic or constitutional monarchy.”
While campaigning, Saakashvili also seemed to forget about the thorny issue of the unrecognised republics of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, hardly ever mentioning them in his public appearances.
In contrast to him, almost all the other candidates stressed their wish to have the problems with the unrecognised republics solved peacefully and without violation of Georgia’s territorial integrity.
Leader of the party New Rights, David Gamkrelidze, said he saw a constitutional monarchy as “an absolutely unique chance for a peaceful resolution of the conflicts”.
Another opposition candidate Giorgi Maisashvili told journalists two days before the election that he did not know what “the peaceful way of resolving the conflicts” would be.
“Both sides should listen to each other with greatest possible attention, express their views elaborately and freely, let each other breathe psychologically,” he said.
“Isn’t it true that 90 per cent of all conflicts result from people interpreting the same words differently? The most important thing to do now is to start a direct dialogue with South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and then the third - the alternative - way will make itself available, in addition to the two others that are currently considered by the sides.”
South Ossetia itself has remained unaffected by the presidential election in Georgia, with ordinary people saying the event has nothing to do with their lives.
“Let them quarrel as much as they want, it’s nothing to us, as we are almost a part of Russia,” said a Tskhinval resident.
“I don’t understand what a peaceful way of restoring ‘territorial integrity’ Georgia is talking about. These are all words meant to be heard by the European Union. In reality, it can start military actions at any moment. All this is a game, including the OSCE recognising their election as democratic.”
While many ordinary citizens have their doubts about the results of the vote, they still don’t mind having Misha – as Saakashvili is known - at the helm of the country.
“Misha magaria”, or “Misha is cool”, figures in a patriotic song that was played over and over on television during the campaigning period.
“Misha is the best option,” said 60-year-old Tbilisi resident and former policeman Anzor Basharuli. “I am just choosing the lesser of two evils.
“I don’t favour Misha’s policies very much: all these soaring utility rates, unemployment, poverty, harassment of the private sector. But still there’s some guarantee of stability.”
Basharuli explained that although he was a strong supporter of the rose revolution, Georgia's peaceful revolution led by Saakashvili in November 2003, he had been disappointed.
However, he thought that the president deserved a chance to improve things.
“Now, after the mistakes he made in November, he will weigh his actions,” he said.
Saakashvili declared a state of emergency in Tbilisi, after six days of opposition rallies in November.
The demonstrations, at which the opposition accused the president of corruption and demanded an early parliamentary election and the release of political prisoners, were violently dispersed by troops and police on November 7.
The president then called an early presidential election, saying, “You wanted an early election? You will get an even earlier one.”
With the elections over, many questions are left unanswered and fears remain.
While Saakashvili has made overtures to the opposition, offering to give it seats in his government, it continues on a course of confrontation, making the overall situation unpredictable.
