Georgia Faces More Disappointment in its European Dream

It was said to be the biggest rally Georgia has ever seen. The Going Home – to Europe gathering was organized by the Shame Movement youth organisation on June 20 in Tbilisi, prompted by the EU Commission’s recommendation to the European Council to grant candidate status to Ukraine and Moldova – but only the possibility of candidacy for Georgia, upon fulfilment of 12 conditions by the end of the year.

The event’s appeal reached far beyond usual the anti-government protesters – it was not set up by political parties, no buses were organised from the regions, no nagging from party activists or intimidation from government agencies accompanied it, no-one was paid for simply showing up. Exact numbers are yet to be known, but most conservative counts suggest over 60,000 demonstrators, which is significant for country of 3.5 million.

The focus of the rally was pro-European feeling, but there was also anger and discontent towards the government for failing to secure EU candidate status. People were motivated, angry, feeling the need to deliver their message that they were also Europeans.

"Democratic institutions have been dismantled, the judiciary is in an appalling state and civil society and independent media are under attack."

This is not a new phenomenon for Georgia. Back in 1998, the late speaker of the parliament Zurab Zhvania declared in Strasbourg, “I’m Georgian, therefore I am European.”

Following the Rose Revolution, Mikheil Saakashvili the raised EU flag amid a thunderous rendition of Ode to Joy during his 2004 inauguration. In 2014, Georgia signed the EU association agreement.

Yet in 2022, Georgia is likely to face even more disappointment in this direction. Why?

When the ruling Georgian Dream (GD) party came to power, it did not waste the gains made by the previous government regarding accession. GD signed the Association Agreement and DCFTA with the EU, ploughed through Schengen visa liberalisation, secured European and Euro-Atlantic integration aspirations in the constitution and aligned itself with EU foreign and security policy while contributing to its defence missions. Georgia now closely cooperates with EU institutions and participates in EU programmes. Certainly, some ground work was laid by the previous government, but without GD’s political will this would not have been achieved. In early 2021, GD even boldly declared that Georgia would apply for EU membership and get candidacy by 2030.. Credit where credit is due.

However, true to its habits, GD managed to undo most of its hard work, seeming to think that achieving technical deliverables was enough and that work on strengthening democratic institutions could be ignored.  Some evenfear that GD is not serious about its commitment and has purposefully sabotaged the European integration process to avoid openness, accountability and strengthening democracy.

Today’s level of democracy is almost as low as it was during the infamous 2007-2012 period of Saakashvili’s rule.

Democratic institutions have been dismantled, the judiciary is in an appalling state and civil society and independent media are under attack.

Earlier this year, we saw how a radical ultra-right mob tore down EU flag in front of the parliament without fear of repercussion.

The government’s closer ties with Russia and relentless attacks and insults towards EU institutions and politicians are of great concern, not to mention its refusal to accept an EU loan just so as to avoid the attached democratic reform commitments.

It’s true that blame for the failure to fulfil the deal brokered by EC president Charles Michel aimed at defusing the 2021 political crisis must be partly shared with the opposition.

But the governments key failings are well summarised in the 12 conditions now given to Georgia by the EU, most of which are on democracy and human rights.

GD is not against European integration. They would have been delighted if EC decided in favor of candidacy, but they are not prepared to choose a European future if it depends on reforms that may undermine their own political security. This is why the EU has granted candidate status to Ukraine and Moldova and left Georgia - once a leader in the field of accession – out in the cold with its twelve-step homework to candidacy.

“Most of these recommendations have already been on our agenda, there are other issues that we will clarify with Brussels, work on and get candidate status,” said Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili following the decision, encouraging Georgians with promises that this would indeed be achieved within six months.

Two of the EU-mandated tasks stand out - implementing a “commitment to de-oligarchisation by eliminating the excessive influence of vested interests in economic, political, and public life” and addressing the issue of “political polarisation”.

These areas are two of GD’s most severe triggers – criticism of its founder billionaire and former prime minister Bidzina Ivanishvili, alongside anything related to what they describe as the “radical opposition” and especially the former ruling United National Movement (UNM) party.

All this was clear when, two days after the EC gave Georgia its homework, Garibashvili addressed parliament and both sides of the aisle plunged into mutual accusation, yelling and disruption. Dialogue between the government and the opposition is practically impossible, even when the stakes are this high. GD is not ready to make any concessions, and the opposition is unable to tame its anger.

Instead of showing true leadership and presenting a plan for the next six months, assuring everyone that it was ready to do whatever it took to bring country closer to Europe, GD in its classic style managed to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory.

It will be very hard, if not impossible, for Georgia to fulfil its obligations by the end of the year without a paradigm shift in how the ruling party views its role and place in the country’s history. So far, there are no indications that the government is ready to implement the EU recommendations. Georgians should brace themselves for more disappointment.

David Magradze is a political analyst who served as Georgia’s deputy foreign minister in 2008 and chief-of-staff to the speaker of parliament in 2014-2016.