Chechnya's Pro-Moscow Boss Gets Tough

Friday, 13 June, 2003

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Umalt Dudayev

The pro-Moscow Chechen leader's surprise decision to sack his government earlier this month is being seen as a calculated move to bolster his authority in the run-up to a presidential election later this year.

Acting president Akhmad Kadyrov summarily dismissed his government and local administration chiefs on June 3, decreeing that a new Chechen cabinet must be in place by June 15.

The sackings came as a shock both to the ministers themselves and to the Chechen public. A municipal official in Gudermes who asked for his name to be withheld told IWPR how Kadyrov chaired a government meeting in the town on the afternoon of June 3.

"Not a word was said about an imminent government reshuffle," he said. "Later that night he fired the government and heads of district administrations without explanation. Whatever is being said to the contrary, it was a complete bolt from the blue. No one expected it."

Even Russia's minister for Chechnya, Stanislav Ilyasov, apparently did not know a reshuffle was imminent. But two days afterwards he tried to suggest nothing out of the ordinary had happened.

"There is nothing to be alarmed about. The purpose of these changes was to strengthen the executive branch in Chechnya," said Ilyasov. It was not really a reshuffle at all, he said, but an inevitable consequence of the new constitution adopted in a national referendum in March.

Kadyrov himself was blasé about the changes. "The new constitution provides for painless re-staffing as a means of bringing in capable people," he said on local television.

Media in Chechnya branded the dismissals a "revolution" and "a clean-up raid, Kadyrov style".

Many analysts believe the purge represents Kadyrov's opening move in a campaign to be elected president in December. Since the sackings, he has already filled some of the central and local government posts with loyal supporters. Most or all appointments to key posts have brought in people close to him. Some are relatives or members of the Benoi clan to which he belongs.

As he tries to cement a personal following within the administration, Kadyrov has taken some risks by removing officials who enjoy support either from Moscow or among pro-Russian Chechen officials. For example, he got rid of Grozny mayor Oleg Zhidkov, a career officer in the Russian intelligence service who is thought to be favoured by Moscow. The new mayor is Khoj-Akhmed Arsanov, 30, a member of the influential Arsanov-Deniev clan who was formerly head of the government's youth committee.

"In making his appointments, Kadyrov is motivated primarily by his mercantile interests," alleged one of the district heads fired by Kadyrov. "[He] judges officials solely on the basis of their personal loyalty. Professional competence and other merits do not matter to him," said the former official, who asked not to be named.

He mentioned the cases of Isita Gairbekova, district chief of Nozhai-Yurt district, and Shamil Buraev, head of Achkhoi-Martan district - dismissals which particularly rattled local officials.

"[They] are both excellent professionals, people of integrity, and well respected in Chechnya. They headed their districts at a very tough time, when they were constantly pressured and threatened by the guerrillas. Gairbekova's husband, a police officer, was killed by militants in Argun two years ago. Burayev's son was kidnapped last year.

"And look how these people have been rewarded for their incredible heroism! Kadyrov simply kicked them out. It is much more important for him to secure victory in the upcoming election."

Chechen political commentator Murad Nashkhoev told IWPR that for Kadyrov, time is of the essence.

"Kadyrov may well lose the presidential race unless he exploits his administrative resources to the maximum - and he knows it," said Nashkhoev. "He doesn't have too many supporters among officials, and he's extremely unpopular with common Chechens. With only six months - if that - left until the ballot, he feels he is running out of time. He has to act fast."

Until recently, Kadyrov was regarded merely as a transitory figure in Chechen politics. Analysts have been saying he was on his way out ever since he was appointed head of Chechnya's provisional administration in 2000. He has escaped several assassination attempts. The most recent one, by a woman suicide bomber last month, left 16 people dead.

He has not only survived, but strengthened himself over the past three years, and especially since March when the recent constitutional referendum cemented his powers.

Formerly the chief Muslim cleric or mufti of Chechnya under President Aslan Maskhadov, Kadyrov had no previous experience of government, but he has proven to be a shrewd politician. He secured the loyalty of his own presidential guard and then extended his control to the OMON riot police, the best trained force in Chechnya's interior ministry, by appointing his former bodyguard as its chief. Now he has several thousand armed men behind him - a key factor for success in this war-torn republic.

"To do him justice, Kadyrov is an extraordinary man, whatever some might say," commented Salavdi Astamirov, a 60-year old resident of Grozny.

"He's done his homework for the presidential race. Having appointed Arsanov as mayor of Grozny and, months before, Akhmar Zavgaev (brother of Doku Zavgaev, who was in charge of the Chechen-Ingush Republic in the late Soviet era) as Chechen representative to Russia's Federation Council, he has secured the support of these powerful Chechen clans. He has made a deal with his erstwhile opponent Bislan Gantamirov, won the loyalty of some former guerrilla warlords, and is boosting his stature even further."

The latest round of appointments seems calculated to ensure that Kadyrov is fully in control with a loyal entourage behind him, as the potentially problematic election looms.

"In the run-up to the presidential ballot, Kadyrov is keen to subjugate the law enforcement agencies, get control of cash flows, and surround himself with loyal staff," a Chechen university professor who asked not to be named told IWPR.

"He knows his position is shaky. There are too many contenders for presidential office in Chechnya. That's why he is trying to strengthen his autocratic power."

An impressive array of contenders are vying for the Kremlin support which will be in a crucial factor in the election. They include business tycoons Malik Saidullaev and Husein Jabrailov, the Moscow-based Industrial Bank's chief executive Abubakar Arsamakov, Russian State Duma deputy Aslambek Aslakhanov, and possibly Said-Selim Peshkhoev, a Federal Security Service major-general who is said to be backed by the Russian intelligence agency.

"Realising the dangers of running against such heavyweights as these, Kadyrov is working to get himself a head start in the race," said Nashkhoev.

"He wants to show Moscow how strong and influential he is. The new ministers and local chiefs he appoints will be fully devoted to him. If Kadyrov loses the race, his appointees stand to lose their posts and perks overnight. Their careers and perhaps even their lives are in his hands. Needless to say, they will do their best to bring him to power."

"Akhmad Kadyrov picked the right time to replace the government," said an official within the Kadyrov administration who asked not to be named.

"He has given his opponents no leeway. He has kick-started the race, and is dead set on winning."

Umalt Dudayev is the pseudonym of a freelance journalist in Chechnya.